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AN 

ORATION 

DELIVERED 

AT BEDFORD, NEW-HAMPSHIR^, 

February 22, 1815, 

AT TEE REQ,UEST OF THE 



BY HUMPHREY MOORE, 
Minister of Milford, New-Hampshire- 



K 



Concorli : 

PRINTED BY GEORGE HOUGH, 
^ar the Washington Benevolent Societi/ of BeSfoti, , • 

Feb. ..7815. 



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AT a meeting of the Washington Benevolent Society £» 
Bedford^ February 22^ 1815 — 

VoTED^ That Jonathan Gove, William Moore^ and John 

Orrjs Esquires, be a Committee to present the thanks of this 

Society to the Rev. Humphrey Moore, for his ingenious an J 

patriotic Oration^ this day delivered before them ; and rff- 

quest of him a copy for publication. 

JOSEPH COLLET, jun, Sec'ry. 



To the Committee of the Washington Benevolent Societtf* 

Gentlemen, 

I acknowledge , with gratitude, your indulgence and can- 
dor expressed in your vote of thanks ; and your politeness in 
requesting, for the press, a copy of the Oration, this day 
delivered. With confidence in your ivell meant design^ I 
submit it to your disposal ; regretting, that the late notice 
of the appointment prevented a more ample discussion of 
the subject. 

HUMPHRET MOORE. 
Feb. 22, 1815. 



TI' 



THERE is a propenfity in human nature to 
underrate prefent bleffings ; and to magnify thofe 
which are irrecoverably paft. Paganifm, if un- 
grateful to her heroes and ftatefmen wheu living, 
was always ready to deify them after their death. 
Revelation corrects thefe errors. It teaches us 
to be confcious of bleffings while we enjoy them; 
to rcfped: our benefadors while they live, and 
to honor their names after their death, with grate- 
ful remembrance. There is a delicacy in publicly 
celebrating the diftinguifhed deeds of men while 
they continue on the ftage of action ; and there 
is danger that the inccnfe of praife will caufe 
them to forget their condition, and, like Herod, 
refufe to give God the glory. 

It is duty to pay a tribute of refpe£t to our 
departed benefadlors. They have a claim to our 
remembrance, to our gratitude, to our afFedions, 
to our homage. We are under obligation to give 
honor to whom honor is due. It is ufeful to 
refpeft departed merit. Were people indifferent 
to the greateft exploits, and to the mod valuable 
lives, a fenfe of duty would often be too feeble 
to rouze the energies of the mind to undertake 
and effectuate arduous and dangerous enterprizes. 
Stimulating applications need to be made to the 
numbering powers of man, to throw off the 
torpors of animal nature ; to awaken ambition ; 
to concentrate the powers of human nature, and 



dircd: all their force to fome great and important 
objedt. An expedtation of the gratitude and 
homage of fellow beings will feldom fail to e:?^- 
citc to the greateft undertakings. 

The man, whofe name we this day honor, was 
an exception from moft of his fellow creatures. 
Such were the powers and mechanifm of his 
xnind, that he needed not artificial expedients to 
impel him to the moft generous and ufeful deeds. 
A love of his country and a fenfe of duty actuat- 
ed his foul. If his ftable mind never became 
giddy by the greateft applaufe ; yet he was not 
infenfible to the love, the gratitude, and refpcdt, 
which his fellow citizens repeatedly offered him 
on this day of his nativity. If he was not in- 
different to the afpcrfions of his enemies ; for 
even Wafhington had enemies ; yet he never 
was propelled from his courfe by their virulence. 
The powers of his great mind were too weU 
balanced to fludtuatc on the popular breeze ; to 
rife by applaufe, or fink by calumny. Often has 
this dav been diftinguilhed with joy on account 
of the birth of fo illuftrious a character ; and 
once, throughout this nation, has it been clouded 
with grief and badges of mourning at the re- 
membrance of his death. It is not neceftary to 
dwell on his characler. It is well known. The 
beft defcription, the higheft eulogy, cannot equal 
the original. 

To do him the greateft honor, it is neccflary 
to imbibe his principles and imitate his virtues. 
When his pohtical fentiments have been publicly 
vilified and denounced, it is neceifary for thofe, 
who believe the coiredtnefs of his fyftem of na° 



nonal policy, not only to ftand firm in their belief, 
but to endeavor to corredl the errors of public 
opinion, and reftore to pradice thofe principles 
which are the matter and fpirit of our National 
Conftitution. When Chriftianity had become 
corrupted by perverfion and innovation, and its 
profeffbrs had departed, not only from its fpirit, 
but almqft from its letter, it was not enough that 
individuals fhould have a correct belief of Chrif* 
tianity themfelves, and lament in private the 
apoftacy of others. At this time of general error 
and moral corruptnefs,a number of men of learn- 
ing and piety rofe, like ftars of the firft magni- 
tude ; united their powers and exertions, and 
directed them againft the errors which had been 
incorporated with the Chriflian religion. Under 
the fmiles of Providence, their exertions fucceed- 
ed. The clouds of error and moral darkncfs, 
which had been gathering for centuries, and had 
become exceedingly denfe by their univerfality, 
were not impervious to the rays of truth. Thefe 
champions of divinity exhibited the truths of the 
Golpel in their native fimplicity ; expofed error 
in all its deformity, and urged forward the facred 
caufe of divine truth. Chriftian principles and 
Chriftian charader were reftored to Chriftianity, 
and it prevailed. 

If we may compare the condition of human 
things with divine, we (hall difcovcr a refemblance 
between the prefent ftate of our political fyftem, 
andtheftate cf Chriftianity juft before the Re- 
ft^rmation. The principles of our government 
have been mifapplied ; the fyftem of national 
policy has been changed 3 and the Conftitution 



6 



ii almoft deprived of its native fpirit. Good is 
called evil, and evil is called good. It is right 
that people, who adhere to the principles of the 
ConlHtution, (hould unite their endeavors to cor- 
reO. the errors of political fentiment, and defend 
and fupport thofe principles which the deliverer 
of our country inculcated, and by which he 
pradifed in his official capacity. But what can 
a minority do to check the current of error, and 
deliver our languifliingConftitution from the rude 
liands of vifionary theorifts ? A minority, arm- 
ed with truth, can bear down a hoft (heltered 
under the covert of error. A minority, fortified 
in the recefTes of the Conftitution, will prevail, 
and repel every aggreflion. There is a crifis in 
public fentiment. When incorrect principles 
have had their courfe, and for a feafon have daz- 
zled and bewildered the human mind, reafon 
wakes from its flumbers ; perceives the deception ; 
throws oiFthe fhackles of infatuation; regains its 
authority ; and repels a kgion of falfe principles. 
It was by a combination of wifdora and energy 
that this inf.int colony rofe in majefty againft 
Britifli innovation, and prevailed againft a hoft of 
invaders and of unjuft principles. By a union of 
fimilar wifdom and energy, we may, at a favor- 
able juadlure, check the fpirit of innovation in 
our own government, and reftore an equilibrium 
between the different parts of the nation. The 
fuccefs which now attends various aftbciations of 
the more regular part of fociety for the fuppref- 
fion of certain prevailing vices, affords great en- 
couragement to form aflbciations to remove ot 
coumera6l the political evils we fuller. 



Our National Conftitution has within itfell 
means of defence and fupport. Conftitutional 
meafures only need to be ufed to prefei ve it from 
violation or from dcftrudion. When a portion 
ofthe community unite for this benevolent and 
falutary purpofe, profefs their defign, ad: openly, 
obferve thcmfelves the principles which they at- 
tempt to defend and fupport, but few will repro- 
bate their defign, or their meafures, excepting 
thofewho feek their intereftin bafe principles,orin 
the fubverfion of the Conftitution. If a union of 
individuals, to reftore the Conftitution to its 
original tone and fpirit, excite alarm and oppo- 
fition, what fhall be faid of the combination of 
thofe, whofe objed: it is to pervert the principles 
of the Conftitution, or to deftroy the whole 
fyftem ? 

One ofthe principles ofthe Conftitution, and 
alfo of the man whofe name we venerate, was 
the liberty of fubjedls to infpe£t the meafures 
and conduct of rulers, and reprefent them in the 
language of truth. Wafhington never feared the 
inquifition of the public. He never feared a dK- 
clofure of his official charader. Thofe rulers only 
fear the public tribunal, whofe public characters 
will not bear the teft of examination ; whofe of- 
ficial conduct does not coincide with the fpirit of 
the Conftitution. Thofe only are oppofed to 
the inveftigation and difclofure of official charac- 
ters, who are confcious, that if they be weighed 
in an equal balance, they will be found wanting. 
The liberty of fpeech, the liberty of declaring the 
truthjis among the firft principles of a Republican 
Gonftiturion. If this be denied, the whole fyf- 



tern is denied. If this be denied, let tyranny be 
perfected ; incapacitate the organ of fpeech to ut- 
ter the wrongs it fufFcrs. Freedom of inquiry 
into official condudl, and freedom of fpeech, pro- 
duce a mofl happy effect upon rulers. While 
their paffions tend to propel them from the orbit 
of official duty, the'expreffion of public fenti- 
ment, like the gravitating principle, counteradls 
their eccentric propenfity, and attrads them to 
the path in which they were deftined to move. 

Another principle of the Conftitution, which 
is juft and republican in its nature, is the equal 
rights of citizens. This principle is obferved 
when all of certain qualifications, eafy to be ob- 
tained, are equally eligible to offices of honor 
and emolument ; when the laws equally protedi 
the property, the reputation, and the lives of in- 
dividuals ; when the bleffings and the burdens 
of government arc diftributed according to the 
refpedtive privileges of individuals. The time 
has been when eledlions were managed on the 
principle of equal rights. The grand inquiry was 
for men of wifdom and integrity to fill import- 
ant offices. Then there was fcope for ambition 
to feek the neceflfary qualifications. Then local 
prejudices fcarcely exifted, and perfonal partialities 
were of fmall extent. At prefent we have the 
forniy and little but the form of freedom in our 
elections. A few, from local prejudice, or from 
perfonal attachment, affiime the right of nom- 
ination ; and the general mafs of citizens, without 
knowledge of characters propofed, feel the dire 
neceffity of feconding their motion in order to 
fecure men in office of their own political name* 



In this manner a few enterprizing, ufurpirig in- 
dividuals diftribute, as they pleafc, the higheft 
offices in the State. 

In the ele<5tion of the higheft officers of the 
nation, local prejudice and local intereft have 
fhorn the principle of equal rights of all its privi- 
leges. The fouthern fedlion of our country has, 
fince the adoption of the Conftitution, almoft 
wholly monopolized the right of the higheft 
national offices. That felfifhnefs and ambition 
fliouldinftigatea part of a nation togainanafcend- 
ency, and to poffefs the prerogatives of power, is 
natural. But that the remaining part fhould aid 
ihcm in climbing the lofty afcent,and obfequiouf^ 
ly offer their fhoulders to fupport their enormous, 
their oppreffive weight, is a violation of the firft 
law of human nature* Can genius be born only 
in our fouthern clime ? Can virtue and wifdom 
fiourifli only under an almoft vertical fun ? Can 
republican principles in their purity be found on- 
ly in that fection of our country, whofe atmof- 
phere is darkened by the fablehue of Africa's fons ; 
and whofe lords learn the firft principles of gov- 
ernment from the fcourge they wield ? Has the 
God of nacure faid to the waters of the Potowmac, 
wafh ye on fouthern bank the foil of rulers j but 
on northern fide the foil of fubjedls ? Impartial 
heaven has not made this wide diftindtion. The 
frigid air of thefe northern States braces the frame, 
nerves the arm, and gives at the fame time firm- 
nefs and elafticity to the human mind. Walh- 
ington, who had collected all the excellencies of 
his own climate, felt new impulfe when he breath- 

2 



li- 



ed the colJ, the free air of New-England, We 
may, if we pleafe, boaft of the liberty of elec- 
tions ; the freedom of choofing our own rulers. 
But there is no doubt that an heir apparent to the 
Piefidcncy is now decreed by the dilpofcrs of the 
higheft offices of the nation. We have liberty to 
run over the electioneering ground ; to caft our 
votes for whom we pleafe ; and we have alfo the 
liberty of feeing that the decree is fulfilled, and 
that we have run in vain. There is but little 
difference in refpect to real freedom, whether 
fouthern planters give this country, from their 
own numbers, a chief magiftrate, or whether a 
foreign nation afTumes the right of doing the same 
friendly office. There is but little difference in 
refpect to the principle of equal rights, whether 
the lucceffion to the Preiidency be eftablifficd by 
the will of a certain fection of our country, and 
within its own limits, or whether the fucceffion 
be made hereditary by an article of the Conftitu- 
tion. 

In a widely extended territory like ours, it may 
be expected, and it will be found,that there is dif- 
ference of views and feelings refpecting national 
policy ; and difference and collifions of intereft. 
The reprefentation from the different parts of 
this country vi^as originally defigned to prevent 
this evil, and preferve the equal rights of the dif- 
ferent parts of the nation. The late meafures of 
the National Government have borne with un- 
equal preffure on the northern States. Our rep- 
refentation in the National Government urge the 
principles of the Conftituiion. They lift tiieir 
voioes in behalf of their injured conftituents.. 



IS 



"fhey fpeak the language of wifdom and of free- 
men. But they have no weight in the councils. 
Fov years they have had no weight. As well 
might this part of the nation not be reprefented^ 
as their reprefentation (hould not be heard. If 
the New-England States are not refpedted in the 
councils of the nation, they are highly refpcded 
asa fource of revenue, as an objedt of taxation. 
It affords fome fupport, fome encouragement, that 
our fenatorial influence has not become quite 
extinct. 

It is a principle of our National Conftitution, 
which Wafhington honored by his fignature, that 
" the Congrefs fhall have power to provide and 
maintain a navy." At the time of the adoption 
of the Conftitution, and during thofe few fucceed- 
ing years in which its principles were obferved, 
commerce was in high repute. It was the fare- 
well inftrudion of the American fage, that " the 
United States fhould look to the means, and fet 
about the gradual creation of a navy, fo that a 
future war of Europe might not find our com- 
merce in the fame unproteded ftate astheprefent." 
For a fhort feafon, his advice was refpeded. An 
infant navy was launched from its cradle. With 
the emblem of the Conftitution, holden J3y the 
powerful hand of Hercules, it commanded refped:. 
it gave flattering evidence, that the time was faft 
haftening, that America could ride v*rith fafety on 
the broad highway of nations. At this period, 
our commerce, not with ftanding fome lawlefs and 
predatory aggreffions, iiourilhed beyond the mod 
fanguine expedation. Revenue flowed into the 
national treafury ; and our yeomanry, the m^fs 



12 

of the nation, rapidly increafed in wealth. At 
this golden feafon, " the prince of the power of 
the air" glanced from the Eaftern Continent acrofs 
the Atlantic ; thruft himfelf into this American 
Eden ; gave our citizens foreign and forbidden 
fruit. They fancied that their eyes were opened; 
and they chofe difciples of a mafter, different 
from Wafhington, to order the deftinies of this 
nation. 

The adminiftration, which fucceeded that of 
Wafhington's principles, foon began to reduce to 
pradice their new philofophy. They laid it 
down as a Conftitutional principle, that they had 
power to provide and maintain a navy. By 
their new method of reafoning, they inferred from 
this premife, that thty had power to destroy it* 
No fooner was the conclufion drawn, than the 
deftrudtive work was executed. If, after this 
date, predatory aggreflions were multiplied upon 
our commerce, the evil effed may be accounted 
for without recourfe to falfe philofophy. The 
evil efFe£t proves the error of withdrav^ing pro- 
tedion from commerce, and the danger of offer- 
ing temptation without referving means of efcape 
or refi fiance. 

The adminiftration, pleafed with the fucccfs 
of their firft experiment, applied again to the fub- 
jett their new mode of reafoning, and inferred, 
that if they had power to destroy the navy^ they 
had, of courfe, power to destroy commerce. Avail- 
ing themfelves of that article of the Conftitution 
which empowers them to *' regulate commerce 
with foreign nations, and with the feveral States,"- 
they remanded our vellcls into port ; prohibitecj 



intercGurfe with foreign nations ; and, left a fparjc 
of commercial enterprize fhould remain, ihey 
prohibited our velTels from traverfmg our own 
waters ; from going from port to port, on our 
own coaft, and carrying the ftafF of life to thofe 
of our citizens who had not the means of fuh- 
fiftence. Is this the regulation of commerce for 
"which they were empowered ? If regulation fig- 
nifies extirpation, they have fcrupuloufly obferved 
both the letter and fpirit of the Conftitution. 

The Conftitution empowers the National Gov- 
ernment " to provide for organizing, arming, 
find difciplinuig the militia; and for governing 
fuch part of them as may be employed in the fer- 
vice of the United States ;" but it makes certain 
refervations of power to the States refpedlively. 
The prefent adminiftration have attempted to ex- 
tend the operations of the militia beyond the 
limits fpecified by the Conftitution ; and they 
have attempted to afliime an authority over them 
equally unconftitutional and arbitrary. Had not 
jhis northern part of our country had a juft and 
proportionate weight in the Senatorial branch of 
our National Government, there is no doubt that 
the unconftitutional and arbitrary affumptions of 
our National reprefentation refpedting the com- 
mand of the militia would have become a law ; 
and deprived the States of their individual fecu- 
rity and fovereignty. This attempt at arbitrary 
power is the more noticeable, becaufe it was fup- 
ported by a great portion of our Reprefentatives. 
Attempts at innovation in our Government ought 
to be checked in embryo, left tliey come to the 
birth, and prove to be a monftrous production. 



The Conftitution requires, that '^ the Unitad 
States Ihall guarantee to every State in the Union 
a republican form of government ; andjhall pro- 
ie£i each of them from invafion.^^ As the National 
Government embraces all the States in the com- 
pafs of its authority, it alfo embraces them in the 
arms of its protection. If it commands their 
aid and refources, it returns them defence and 
fecurity. If claims and obligations were not 
mutual, and benefits v/ere not reciprocal between 
the individual States and the United States, no 
advantage v.'ould arife from the bonds of con- 
federation. In the prefent confliO: our adminif- 
tration has not afforded the individual States, 
efpecially the States of New-England, thofe 
means of repelling invafion which the Conftitu- 
tion requires. Thefe States v/ere neceffitated to 
draw from their own refources men and money 
for their own defence and prote6lion ; and the 
adminiftration refufe to indemnify them for the 
expenfe occafioned by their own delinquency. 
Our ports might have been laid under contribu- 
tion, or in allies ; our sea coaft might have been 
ravaged from one extremity to the other, for 
aught the National Government has done to 
repel the invafion of the enemy. While they 
were dcvfing ways and means for defence, but 
efpecially for offence, the States adually ufed the 
ways and means for repelling aggreffion, and for 
their fecurity. If the adminiftration had it not 
in their power to proted the States, it was becaufe 
they had dried up a great proportion of the 
refources of the nation, and had diverted the 
remainder into a forced chmncl. If they 



yhaygig 



riOt In their heart to protect them, perfidy and 
treafon blacken their names. While they refufed 
to proted commerce, and would not fufFer it to 
protect itfelf, and left our fea ports almoft naked 
before the enemy, their force and vigilance were 
adlively direded to defend the fandiiy of their 
obnoxious meafures, and proted the port of the 
cuftom houfe officer. 

If the adminiftration negleded to afford 
neceffary means of defence to the States, it was 
reafonably expeded that they would proted the:- 
diftrid over which they had exclufive jurifdic- 
tion ; the depofitory of public records and public 
property ; the place rendered dear by the name 
which it bore. But the fagacious enemy too 
well knew that the weakeft part of our nation 
was its beat^y and the moft vulnerable part of our 
country was its heart. With a fmall force they 
entered our capital in the third year of the war ; 
found its protedors — not there ; and the place 
peaceably in their own pofTeiliGn. Was not this 
enough to gratify Britifh pride ? Was it no£ 
enough to deftroy the munitions of war ? The 
enemy, as if enraged by the eafe of conqueft, 
deftroyed alike the monuments of tafle and the 
implcGients of hoftility. As long as this Gothic 
outrage upon civilized warfare fixes a ftigraa upon 
Eritifli arms, it will tarnifli the glory of this 
nation, which chofe men to proted them, who 
invited the conflld ; provided fmall means of 
defence ; made l^h rcfiftance ; and fled in an 
hour of danger. O ye rulers ! ye had courage to- 
declare hoftillties ; but your hearts failed at the 
ight of arms 1 




i6 



Our Conflitution gives power to Congrefs '^ t5 
declare war ; to raife and fupport armies." But 
it did not contemplate that they would declare 
war without the moft preffing caufe. The 
genius of a Republican Gorernmenr, and of a 
republican people, is that of peace and defence. 
It is difficult for a Republican Government fo to 
mould the public fentiment as to produce a gen* 
eral intereft and cngagednefs in an invafive war. 
If the adminiftration feel a peculiar partiality fot* 
a neighboring territory of a foreign nation, the 
people in general, not being interefted in their 
views, are flow to catch their feelings, and back- 
ward to expofe their lives to gratify the ambition, 
or to fulfil the dreams, of their rulers. It is diffi- 
cult for a Republican Government to concentrate 
the energies of a free people fo as to profecute a 
foreign war, in which they do not feel intsrefted; 
it is difficult to make thofe quick and rapid oper-^ 
ations, which are neceflary to infure conqueft. 
When the genius of the adminiftration is differ- 
ent from the genius of the people, they will evade 
their meafurcs ; they will withhold their refources; 
the fpirit of warfare, if it have any exiftencc 
in the people, will languifli for want of fupport. 
While adminiftration contends with its fubjedts 
for want of co-operation, oft'enfive war drags 
heavily on. 

When the people feel unwilling to enter the 
lifts of warfare which has been declared, their 
Government feci a neceffity of ufing more ener- 
getic meafures than thofe which are confiftent 
with republican principles ; and aflurne an au- 
thority for profecuting their objed, which the 



2 7 

Conftitution had not delegated to them. Th® 
people feel the infringement upon their rights 5 
and they will not fecond the operations of theic 
rulers. The latter evade the principles of the 
Couftitution ; the former evade the laws of theic 
Government. When adminiftration becomes ar- 
bitrary, and fubjeds become difobedient, the fa- 
bric of Republican Government trembles on its 
bafe. 

Thefe obferv^ations characSterize the war which 
our National Government declared againft Great- 
Britain. It is not neceflary at this time to exam- 
ine the weight of the caufes of the war. It is 
fufficient to {zlj^ that no new kind of aggreflioa 
had been made againfi: us ; that we had fufFcred 
the like infringement upon our rights under every 
adminiftration of aur Government. But not- 
withftanding the infringements on our maritime 
rights which we fuffered, we reapt a rich harveft 
on the field of naval enterprize. If, during a few 
of the laft years, inftances of aggreffion increafed, 
it was in eonfequence of an increafed colliiion of 
nations, and the deftrudion of our own navy. 
Whether the depredations on our commerce were 
an adequate caufe of war, or not, the firft, fecondj, 
and third adminiftration of our Government: 
thought it not lefs for our borwr, and more foe 
our interest i to obtain what redrefs for our griev- 
ances we could by amicable negociation, and pais 
over the reft without recourfe to retaliation. It 
was referved to the foperior genius of the prefenc 
adminiftration to difeover that we could not fuficr 
thefe aggrellions, and preferve our independence, 
. 5 



i8 

It was refervcd for the prefent adminiftrat'ion to 
take by conqueft vaft trads of Britifli territory on 
the north, and humble the pride of England on 
the ocean. 

At the time of the declaration of war, it is pre- 
fumable there was a majority of the free popula- 
tion of this country decidedly againft the meafure. 
To give an account of the unprepared ftate of the 
nation to commence hoflilitles ; the difficulty of 
raifmg troops ; the backwardnefs of the people to 
co-operate with Government ; a feries of difafters; 
and in the third year of the war, not one impor- 
tant ftation occupied on Britifli ground ; would 
be fome outlines of the prefent war. But to do 
juftice to the American name, we cheerfully ob- 
ferve, that battles have been fought on land and 
water, which have plucked the laurel from Britifh 
valor, and planted it on the American brow. Thefe 
deeds of bravery give evidence of the fuperior 
quality of republican blood ; and prove what this 
nation might do in an expedient caufe with a con- 
centration of all its phyfical force. 

Wafliington, in his farewell advice to his coun- 
trymen, cautions them againft foreign partialities 
and antipathies; againft foreign influence, and 
againft an illiberal and unequal commercial inter- 
courfc with different nations. His fentiments 
were the fentiments of the Conftitution. But it 
does appear that his advice on thefe points has 
been difregarded ; and that the fpirit of the Con- 
ftitution has not been obferved. Why did not 
our Government, to preferve national indepen- 
dence, declare war againft France ? She too had 
made depredations on our commerce. Why did 



19 

our Government, while ail Europe was convulfed 
by war, adopt commercial meafures which had 
an unequal bearing on conflidting nations ? To 
what caufe can we attribute this illiberal policy, 
but to foreign partiality and foreign influence ? 
The hiftory of the proceedings of our National 
Government affords abundant evidence, that from 
its commencement foreign partiality and foreign 
influence have had place in the councils of our 
nation. Foreign principles have been imported 
into this country, and they have found a foil too 
congenial. The political evils we fufFer may be 
traced to this corrupt fource. 

The father of our country cautioned us not to 
"interweave our defliny with that of any part of 
Europe, nor entangle our peace and profperity in 
her toils." Let the late proceedings of the ad- 
minifl:ration decide whether they have been adtu" 
ated by this principle on this fubjedt. In the ne- 
gociation between our plenipotentiaries and the 
minifl:ers of the Britifli Government before the 
late fubverfion of the French empire, our envoys 
were infl:ruded to infifl: unon this principle, thai 
our flag should protect our crew ; and that the Brit- 
ish nation should not^ by their long accustomed 
claim of search J violate this principle. This prin- 
ciple they reprcfented to be infeparably connected 
with our national independence ; and they laid 
it down (^as a sine qua non) as an indifpenfable 
preliminary conccffion, before they would treat 
for peace. This had long been a favorite point, 
a deep rooted principle in our adminifl:ration; and 
the time had now arrived, when Europe was in 
commotion, for carrying it into complete €ffe<n:^ 



2© 

Their tone of fentiment, and their language, were 
decifive. But one day, Napoleon, the emperor 
of France, the fcourge of Europe, the fatal rc- 
fervoir of republics, was caft from his throne 5 
was fhorn of his locks of power, and he became 
like another man. What then ? What if 
MENE, MENE, was written on the palace 
walls of a Corfican ufurper ? What if a foreign 
defpotifm was levelled with the duft ? What ef- 
fect could this event produce upon an independent 
r^ation on this fide of the Atlantic ? How could 
this event affedt independent, indifpenfable prin- 
ciples, in a negociation between two independent 
nations \ The fadl will anfwer thefe queries. 
Soon after the deftrudion of the French defpot- 
ifm, and the general pacification in Europe, in- 
ftrudlion was given to our negociators, that they 
Tnight wave the principle ofimpressinent^ if it was 
vecesmry to the ratification of peace, Circum- 
llances had not only altered cases^ but they had 
altered principles. Does not this prove, that our 
deftinies were interwoven with thofe of theFrcnch 
empire ? that the Prefidential chair was chained 
to the foot of Napoleon's throne ? 

"Shall we fuffer wrongs, and make no refift- 
ance ? Shall we boafl: of independence and repub- 
lican principles, and crouch to the impofitions of 
foreign powers ?" We afli in our turn, fliall we 
pufh our forces into the heart of Canada, to find 
and reftore failors' rights and free trade ? Shall 
we feek the tomahawk and the fcalping-knife,that 
we may avenge Britifli wrongs ? Shall we plant 
navies in the depths of the northern forcft, that 
pur vefleis may ride fecure upon the high feas I 



Shall we move bur foldiery from our own terri« 
tory, and leave open every bofom of our country 
to the foe ? Reafon and juftice teach us to go 
to the field where we have fuffered infult and 
injury ; to feek redrefs where we have fuffered 
grievance ; to meet the enemy on his own ele- 
ment ; to ufe with him his own arguments ; and 
negociate with him in his own way, and in his 
own language. Then the pulfe of defenfive war 
will beat in every arm. The refources of the na- 
tion will be opened. But, held ! why do we fpeak 
of war, and the preparations of vv?ar ? The 
found of Peace has reached our ears. "It is glorious 
news. Our country has loft nothing by the war. 
We have made England feel our refcntment. We 
have humbled her pride. We have taught her 
that we do not fear to take up arms to defend 
our rights. We have taught her to dread to lift 
her hand againft our liberties." O delufion ! thou 
haft plunged us into war, and thou hast pulhed 
us back again. Thou contradideft every fenfe. 
Thou fayeft,*' there is peace ; it is glorious news." 
But the conditions of peace are not known. Thou 
fayeft, " we have made England feel our refcnt- 
ment." We have ; and fhe is able to feel it again. 
Thou fayeft, " we have humbled her pride." 
Britifti pride languifhed when our forces penetra- 
ted her territory, and were fortunate enough to 
return. Britiih pride languifhed, when the 
Engliih foldiery ravaged our capitol,and held qui- 
•et poflelTiOn of a part of our territory. It is pre- 
fumed our courage, and owx pr'^ sumption^ will 
never be disputed. Thou fayeft, " wc have loft 
pothing by the war." Say rather, we have gain- 



22 



ed ; gained a debt of a hundred or nearly a hun- 
dred millions; gained lofles of incalculable amount; 
gained the lofs of a full treafury, of public credit, 
of refpedabillty abroad, and (lability at home. 
Where is that overflowing treafury, that furplus 
of revenue, v^rhich puzzled a former adminiftra- 
tion to appropriate ? Where is that public credit, 
which was eftablifhed on a rich treafury, and on 
prompt and punctual difburfements ? Where is 
that confidence in government, which once di- 
reded all eyes to them as their protestors ? De- 
lufion and war have deftroyed them all ! 

If the conditions of peace are paramount to 
thofe which were offered by treaty before the 
commencement of hoflilities, (and we cannot ex- 
pedl better terms, when it is confidered that thofe 
points which were the caufe of the war were 
relinquifhed by our government) we can cftimate 
wilh fomc degree of accuracy the gain we have 
received, or the lofs we have fuftained. To the 
expenditures of the war, add the lofles fuftained 
by the depredations of the enemy ; from this 
fubtrad the fum of the captures of the enemy; 
to the remainder addthe revenue and the net profits 
which would have arifen from commerce during 
the period of the war ; and the fum is the differ- 
ence between our prefent condition, and that in 
which we Ihould have been if the war had not 
been declared. If human blood and correct mor- 
als are confidered to be of real value, the deteri- 
oration of the one, and the lofs of the other, may 
be brought into the eftimate. It is unpleafant 
to apply the rules of arithmetic to the prefent 
condition of our nation. To public debt has been 



-3 

added public difgrace. From our paft character 
has been subtradled public credit, and public con- 
fidence. Private and public lofles have been 
mtdt'ipUedhj impolitic meafures. A fpirit of par- 
ty has divided the alTedlons and the energy of the 
cation. The application of the foregoing rules has 
reduced our country. Fellcwfiip'^ixh. foreign influ- 
ence,as ithasbeen/r^i??/V^^by the national council, 
has refulted to our lofs. The root of corred: prin- 
ciples has been extraded from the heart of this 
people. The general procefs of the present ad- 
miniftration has not proved to square with the 
principles of Wafhington. 

Every pulfe beats high, every heart pants for 
a ftate of pacification. But when the angel of 
peace (hall hover over this fcourged land, his 
wings, like the bow which was arched in the 
heavens after the deluge, will encompafs only a 
desolated country. 

'* Wasbingion Benevolent Society /** 

The day is joyful ; the day is gloomy. "Re- 
joice with trembling." The man, whofc name 
it is your pride to bear, forefaw the evils which 
brooded over his country. His eagle eye glanced 
from one end of the nation to the other. He 
faw the fecret fprings of the heart. He faw the 
feeds of local jealoufy and difunion. He faw 
the noxious, the exotic plants of falfe philofophy, 
foreign partiality, and foreign influence, tranf- 
planted into the American garden. As his fteady 
eye moved forward on the extended field of futu- 
rity, he defcried, as by a fpirit of prophecy, the 
evils v;hich have fallen on our country. He gave 



*4^ 

the waining. Like a dying man to his family, 
he dcfcribed the danger, and recommended the 
remedy. Like Noah, he warned hiwS generation, 
and his country. He direded them to embofom 
themfelves in the ark of the Conftitutlon, that 
they might be fecure from the flood of approach- 
ing evils. 

It is your duty, your profefTion, your pradicc, 
to reftore, by Conftitutional means, the original 
tone and fpirit to the Conftitutioii. Let your 
zeal be guided by wifdom and moderation : and 
may the Spirit v^hich guided the framers of our 
republican fyftem of Government, guide you in 
fupporting and defending that inheritance whick 
they left to their fucceffors. . 



W 73 



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